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Italy emerged from the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 with the feeling that it had been denied its just rewards by ungrateful allies and that its victory was thus mutilated. Integrating this vengefulness into his diplomacy in the 1920s, Mussolini undertook a policy of selected treaty revision aimed at the breakup of the newly created state of Yugoslavia through covert operations. These stratagems proved futile. Ignoring the threat posed by Nazi Germany's obvious determination to annex Austria, whose continued independence was key to Italy's security in Europe, Mussolini successfully invaded Ethiopia in October 1935, with only lukewarm opposition from France and Britain. Subsequently, in July 1936, he unwisely intervened on the side of the insurgent general Francisco Franco against the Republican government in Madrid. Instead of the expected speedy victory, Italy got bogged down in a prolonged civil war, which rendered Mussolini even more dependent on Nazi Germany. To preserve his standing in Berlin, he did not lift a finger when the Third Reich marched into Austria in 1938. Convinced of the growing decadence of the Western democracies, Mussolini turned to forge the Rome-Berlin Axis. But given Italy's military weakness, Mussolini was bound to be Hitler's junior partner. When the Duce talked of turning the Mediterranean Sea into an Italian lake in February 1939, he found himself trapped in Hitler's military iron cage. Parity in the Axis was the Duce's own peculiar myth. When Germany invaded Poland in September 1939, Mussolini declared nonbelligerency since he was in no position to wage war. He intended to bide his time in order to see who would win or, in the event of a stalemate, to step in as a mediator. But when the Nazi steamroller crushed France, Mussolini felt he had only one option—war on the side of Germany. By tying himself to Hitler's war chariot, Mussolini sacrificed the national interests of his country and doomed his Fascist regime to ultimate destruction.
- Sales Rank: #4127053 in eBooks
- Published on: 1997-04-16
- Released on: 1997-04-30
- Format: Kindle eBook
Review
"Burgwyn's clearly written survey steers a compromise course amid conflicting recent interpretations of Mussolini's foriegn policy.... This book's straightforward prose and chronological arrangement will appeal to students."-Choice
"[T]his new work by H.J. Burgwyn is very welcome."-Journal of Modern Italian Studies
"�T�his new work by H.J. Burgwyn is very welcome."-Journal of Modern Italian Studies
?[T]his new work by H.J. Burgwyn is very welcome.?-Journal of Modern Italian Studies
?Burgwyn's clearly written survey steers a compromise course amid conflicting recent interpretations of Mussolini's foriegn policy.... This book's straightforward prose and chronological arrangement will appeal to students.?-Choice
About the Author
H. JAMES BURGWYN is Professor of History at West Chester University. During a two-year leave of absence 1977-1979, he served as an Assistant Director at the Salzburg Seminar in American Studies in Salzburg, Austria. He is the author of Il Revisionismo Fascista and The Legend of the Mutilated Victory: Italy, the Great War, and the Paris Peace Conference (Greenwood, 1993) and has contributed articles in numerous journals both in America and Italy.
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5 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
A masterful analysis!
By A Customer
H. James Burgwyn, Italian Foreign Policy in the Interwar Period, 1918-1940. Westport, CT: Praeger, 1997, 246 pages.
Published as part of the Praeger Studies of Foreign Policy of the Great Powers and based on both original sources and secondary works, this is a masterful analysis of Italian foreign policy in the inter-war period. Burgwyin adopts a "realist" interpretive and normative approach. Foreign policy is (and should be) the pursuit of a country's interests, conceived primarily in security terms, within the constraints of the existing balance of power. From this point of view, one could say that Burgwyn retraces Italy's slow descent into a diplomatic abyss, or how Mussolini's progressive abandonment of Realpolitk, due primarily to ideological prejudices, reduced his margin of maneuver, and ultimately led him towards an inevitable embrace with Hitler. Although Mussolini tried to overturn the order that had emerged from the Paris Peace Treaty, at first, by and large, he played according to "realist" rules. The only "sin" was perhaps that he had too inflated a concept of Italy's role which he saw as that of "balancer" or, at least, "decisive weight." He did not achieve his early goals (the disintegration of Yugoslavia and undermining French influence in Southeastern Europe) goals which were quite ambitious given Italy's limited capabilities. He did, however, succeed in building what he regarded as an empire in Africa judging, correctly, that the Western powers would not go to war to stop him, and that Hitler had domestic preoccupations. He then tried to walk equidistantly between the Allies and Germany in order to extract some concessions from both. It was Mussolini himself, however, Burgwyn argues, that undermined his chosen role of "balancer." By making the doubtful ideological (as opposed to "realist") choice of aiding in the destruction of the Austrian Social Democratic Party, he removed the best Austrian barrier against union with Germany. This error, was compounded by Mussolini's decision to intervene on the side of the Nationalists in the Spanish Civil War. Although conceived primarily in "realist" terms (to break up a French-Spanish popular front that might have challenged Italy in the Mediterranean), the intervention set him apart from the Western Powers. Thus, once the Anschluss was consummated, he had "to deliver the keys of Italian security in Europe to the Third Reich" (p. 223). The books is divided in 11 chapters. Chapter 1 examines the policies of Liberal Italy at the Paris Peace Conference. Burgwyn retraces with dexterity the origins of the concept of "mutilated victory" and concludes that "Italy's fiasco was the result of Sonnino's inflexibility, Orlando's opportunism, and the inability of the two to work out a common program" (p. 13). Chapters 2 and 3 retrace Mussolini's initiation to diplomacy and the progressive intrusion of a new style (tono fascista) into Italian foreign policy. Burgwyn observes that the transition was gradual but important. There was no sudden break with the diplomacy of the Liberal regime, but there was a a substantial shift in methods, as these chapters document, in terms of the pursuit of Italian revisionist goals and Mussolini's intrigues in the Balkans. More precisely, Mussolini tried to recruit new allies "from among the injured, insulted, and vanquished" nations at Versailles (p. 53), and did not hesitate to give support to terrorist groups. Chapter 4 deals with the brief "Grandi era" (May 1929-Juy 1932) and the attempt to pursue Realpolitik "free of Fascist hyperbole" (p. 57). Chapters 5 and 6 deal with Mussolini's continued attempts to break up Yugoslavia, his effort to set up a Four Power Pact that he saw as an answer to the League of Nations, and his role in the crushing of Austrian Social Democracy. Chapters 7 and 8 are devoted to the diplomatic work behind the building of an Italian empire. Chapter 9 deals with the decisive turn brought about by the arrival of Galeazzo Ciano to the post of foreign minister. He reintroduced the tono fascista which this time went unchecked by the diplomatic old guard which Ciano emasculated through the creation of a new Gabinetto staffed with his "sycophants and favorites" (p. 146). According to Burgwyn, "Ciano's pro-German following accelerated the speed with which ideology in Fascist Italy was outpacing Realpolitik" (p. 154). Chapters 10 and 11 deal with the consolidation of the Axis and the advent of war. Burgwyn has produced an excellent, interpretive essay of the foreign policy of fascist Italy. It is a welcome addition to the literature on Italian foreign policy. Approvingly or disapprovingly, future historians will have to take into account. The study is one of the best examples of a work describing both Realpolitik in action and the role, or intrusion, of ideology and personal traits in foreign policy. As such it will be useful in any advanced course in Theories of International Relations. Finally, the book can also be read as a personal tragedy: more precisely, it is an account of how "personal pride and the spirit of revenge constantly vied with," and ultimately undermined, "the Duce's gnarled Realpolitik" (p. 210), thus contributing to his eventual downfall.
Osvaldo Croci Department of Political Science Laurentian University
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
just a prelude
By W Boudville
Burgwyn undertakes a detailed scrutiny of how Italian conducted its foreign affairs between the World Wars. Many histories of this time focus naturally on Germany. But Italian actions were also significant in southern Europe and north Africa.
Most of the book looks at Mussolini's decisions, after he took power. But the book also explains the tangled mess of post-Great War relations in eastern and southern Europe. With resentments delving back centuries. Exacerbated by newer resentments over decisions made and borders changed after the Great War. Thus the book shows Mussolini supporting Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria, in a so-called Quadruplice Alliance of authoritarian governments. Today, the Quadruplice is barely remembered. Except perhaps as a baby Axis pact in the making.
Above all, Burgwyn shows Italian, or perhaps more accurately, Mussolini's fixation on encircling and conquering Yugoslavia and Albania. Described accurately in the text as Italian revisionism.
The book ends with the onset of World War 2. Where most modern histories begin. The bloodshed described at arm's length by Burgwyn was only a prelude to a much bloodier struggle.
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